The only philosophy is that of language, the only religion is that of the word.
If the dream is a translation of waking life, waking life is also a translation of the dream.
Despite structural variations in liberalism and its bearers from one country or period to another, a uniform foundation remains: the individual economic subject’s free ownership and control of private property and the politically and legally guaranteed security of these rights. Around this one stable center, all specific economic and social demands of liberalism can be modified – modified to the point of self abolition. Thus, during the rule of liberalism, powerful intervention in economic life by state authority frequently occurred, whenever the threatened freedom and security of private property required it, especially if the threat came from the proletariat. The idea of dictatorship and of authoritarian direction of the state is (as we shall see shortly) not at all foreign to liberalism.
When individuals or institutions identify themselves as being critical (or radical or progressive) they can not see how they are implicated in the problem. Indeed there is a curious modality here: critical whiteness, for example, can be a form of whiteness that recognises itself, but by recognising itself, does not see itself as whiteness in quite the same way, given that whiteness is often reproduced by not being recognised.
Even recognising oneself as being something can be an implicit claim not to be the thing one recognises oneself as being. And I mean implicit: not being the thing one recognises oneself as being is often not articulated but becomes instead an impression or at most a sensibility (of having done something, achieved something: this is why ‘noticing’ whiteness is often about being noticed noticing).